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Who, exactly, are âthe right peopleâ for the New York Police Department to stop, question and frisk
Is that frequently used expression actually a racist code for young black and Hispanic men Or is it simply police shorthand for people whose suspicious activities make them a legitimate target of police attention as they try to reduce the cityâs crime rate
Thatâs one of the questions at the heart of a federal trial that began last week in New York. In recent months, The Times has covered the stop-and-frisk program aggressively, questioning in many articles whether it is enmeshed with the reprehensible practice of racial profiling. And now it is covering the trial.
But one article - a Page 1 story last Friday by Joseph Goldstein - has caused a firestorm of criticism. It has drawn sharp and sustained protests from the Police Department and its legal department, and tough words from sources as diverse as the frequent police critic Leonard Levitt, a former Newsday columnist who writes the NYPD Confidential blog, and Heather Mac Donald, who frequently takes the Police Departmentâs point of view, writing in City Journal, a publication of the Manhattan Institute.
Her assessment: The Timesâs article âhas twisted the taped conversation into a poisonous indictment of the police.â
Essentially, Mr. Goldsteinâs article reported that, in at least one police precinct, race is a factor in the directions that street cops get from their supervisors on whom to stop, question and frisk.
Over the past week, Iâve considered the complaints of the Police Departmentâs chief spokesman, Paul J. Browne, and from the N.Y.P.D.âs legal department. Iâve read various articles criticizing the article, heard from readers commenting on it, and talked with the reporter, Mr. Goldstein, and the Metropolitan editor, Carolyn Ryan. Iâve also heard the audio of the secretly recorded conversation between Officer Pedro Serrano and his commanding officer, Deputy Inspector Christopher McCormack, and Iâve read the transcript.
The essence of the complaint against The Timesâs story is that, according to Mr. Browne, âThe article provided a distorted picture of what the interchange between the inspector and a disgruntled, race-baiting cop was all about.â Officer Serrano had been criticized for making only two stops in a year, while working in the high-crime 40th Precinct in the South Bronx.
Ms. Ryan provided this response to the criticism in an e-mail (I later talked in person with her and Mr. Goldstein):
To us the story captures the essence of the argument between civil libertarians and the N.Y.P.D.: Are the police using the stop-question-frisk tactic as a blunt instrument to target certain groups of people, or are they acting, as the Supreme Court requires, on reasonable and individualized suspicion The N.Y.P.D. has repeatedly said publicly that it uses the tactic only when an officer reasonably suspects a person has committed, is committing or is about to commit a crime.
But the reality of how that policy is communicated to officers in the station house appears quite different, as the story demonstrates. And in this case, it seems, the commanding officer of a precinct is suggesting an entire demographic be placed under suspicion.
The full transcript of the roughly 20-minute conversation shows Officer Serrano, who has been faulted for making too few stops, demanding guidance about whom to stop. He is told by his commanding officer, Inspector McCormack, to stop âthe right people at the right time, the right location.â This is an oft-used N.Y.P.D. description of how the strategy is employed: they frequently talk about âthe right peopleâ or âthe right stops.â It is obviously very vague.
At the end of the conversation, Inspector McCormack suggested that, in Mott Haven, given crime patterns there, the officer should stop âmale blacks 14 to 20, 21.â This is not a specific description of suspects, such as âblack male, 14 to 20, wearing red hoodie and blue sneakers,â or âblack male, known to hang out in xyz location or associate with xyz people.â It is an entire demographic.
And Inspector McCormack does not appear, on the tape, to be talking about one specific crime for which particular young black males are wanted. He is describing the precinctâs two biggest categories of felony crime, grand larcenies and robberies, of which there are close to 1,000 a year. And, most significantly, in his course of this lengthy conversation with Officer Serrano, he defines âthe right peopleâ in terms of the broad demographic, rather than by their suspicious conduct - like peering into apartment windows or evading police â" which is the only lawful basis for a stop, according to the Supreme Court. To critics of the N.Y.P.D., this is akin to racial profiling. And to us it suggests that the way the departmentâs strategy is communicated to officers is quite different from what N.Y.P.D. brass have described publicly.
Sheâs right on many counts and says it well. I disagree, however, that the inspector said the officer âshould stopâ male blacks, but rather that male blacks were given as an example of those associated with past crimes.
Whatâs more, the article is not presented as one about âhow strategy is communicated.â Itâs presented as something close to proof of racial profiling..
Mr. Levitt, for one, does not think it comes close. He wrote on his blog: âIf federal judge Shira Scheindlin concludes that the NYPDâs Stop and Frisk is a racist policy sheâll need more proof than last weekâs testimony of the 40th precinctâs commanding officer, Deputy Inspector Christopher McCormack.â
In a phone interview, Mr. Levitt - who rarely pulls his punches against the Police Department â" noted that a front-page article in The Times carries enormous weight, and, he said, âto me, there is a much more nuanced pictureâ than the one portrayed there.
âThe way The Times handled it just seemed unfair to McCormack,â he said, given that âso much of the violent crime in the city is committed by young, black males. You can yell and scream about the impropriety of what he said, but itâs true. And the victims are very often black, too.â
Mr. Levitt also noted that Inspector McCormack emphasizes - on the recording â" that â99 percent of the people in this community are great, hardworking people, who deserve to walk to the train, walk to their car, walk to the store,â without becoming crime victims.â But that context is dismissed, far down in the article, as something that the inspector is âlecturingâ his subordinate about.
Mr. Browne, the police spokesman, is correct when he says that the description of âyoung black malesâ was tied to specific crimes that had already occurred - the robberies and larcenies in the Mott Haven neighborhood. Note the use of the past tense in Inspector McCormackâs exact words: âThe problem was what, male blacks ⦠And I told you at roll call, and I have no problem telling you this, male blacks 14 to 20, 21.â
On the other side, Ms. Ryan is totally correct when she says that âwhatâs left unsaidâ is crucially important; the inspector never speaks about reasonable suspicion as a basis for possible stops.
Iâll offer some final thoughts, but first want to state the obvious:
Racial profiling is not only reprehensible and illegal; itâs also immoral. No individual should be prejudged as suspicious based on his or her age or the color of his skin. I canât be the judge of whether thatâs occurring in the context of âstop and friskâ â" a federal trial will try to come to terms with that overarching question over the next month or more.
The Timesâs article strikes me as essentially accurate. But with its emphasis on one sentence - without enough context - and its presentation on the front page, it comes off as clear proof of racial profiling in the New York Police Department. (And thereâs no doubt that it was interpreted just that way by a wide variety of readers. The Rev. Al Sharpton quickly demanded Inspector McCormackâs suspension, and a Times editorial the next day was headlined âWalking While Black in New York.â)
The facts, though certainly newsworthy, donât rise to that âsmoking gunâ level.
Workers at Willow Avenue and 8th Street in Hoboken, N.J., the site of one of two water line breaks just a few blocks apart. The other was at Willow and 14th. Many in the city lost water pressure, and an advisory was issued warning residents to boil water.
Workers at Willow Avenue and 8th Street in Hoboken, N.J., the site of one of two water line breaks just a few blocks apart. The other was at Willow and 14th. Many in the city lost water pressure, and an advisory was issued warning residents to boil water.